In The Middle
Perceptions
of Bi-Racial Identity as it Relates to “Blackness,” “Whiteness,” and
“Otherness”
“Who am I? The
answer depends in large part on who the world around me says I am.” Beverly Tatum, Ph.D.
Introduction
People
have many ways in which they identify with, or don’t identify with, one another
through groups or categories. These
classifications determine the type of group an individual associates with,
group acceptance, group status, and ultimately how a person fits into the group
dynamic or does not fit in. Through
these categories people are commonly
defined as “other” on the basis of race or ethnicity, gender, religion, sexual
orientation, socioeconomic status, age, and physical or mental ability. Each of these categories has a form of
oppression associated with it.[1]
These
ideas of not fitting in, being on the fringes, being an outsider, or an
imposter all blur the boundaries of identity classification because of their
marginal status. Specifically, my
paintings target the dynamics of not fitting in as it relates to race and mixed
race experiences. In The Middle starts
to tackle the confusion, choices, limbo, indecision, and emotions that come
with being a person of color with a mixed race background. The series of paintings is based on a loose
narrative based on my personal experiences as a bi-racial person. I am searching for commonality in the
experiences of black/white mixed race people.
There are initial commonalities that are found inherently in the
American legal system and in American social history.
The
one-drop of blood rule in America has polarized blacks and whites with no
middle ground for those who encompass both identities. The one-drop of blood rule states that if
you have one drop of black blood you are black. “Not only does the
one-drop rule apply to no other group than American blacks, but apparently the
rule is unique in that it is found only in the United States and not in any
other nation in the world.”[2] The one-drop of blood rule was created to
protect slavery and bolster Jim Crow segregation. However, there is a strong attitude in the black community
against passing as white, and the infrequency of people permanently passing
shows how strongly self-perpetuating the one-drop rule is.[3] The one-drop rule did not become uniformly
accepted until during the 1920’s.[4] The rule was challenged as late as 1983 and
upheld by the Supreme Court in the case of Jane Doe v. State of Louisiana.[5]
Mixed race blacks, or
mulattoes, have a distinct history that weaves in and out of African-American
History and African-American experiences.
The one-drop rule appeared early and eventually became the dominant rule,
but for a long time it had a vigorous competitor, a rule that defined mulattoes
not as blacks but as a racially mixed group between blacks and whites.[6] Mixing of the races occurred early in the
colonial period wherever there were slaves and free blacks. There was strong public condemnation but it
failed to prevent widespread illicit contacts and intermarriage. The first mulattoes born in the United
States were from the “working class.”
They where mostly free, especially if the mothers were white.[7]
South Carolina and Louisiana
both had large mulatto populations.
Mulatto clans emerged to become the elites of the freed person
communities. These elites avoided
identification with both blacks and whites.
They developed and preserved the status of an in-between third
group. The free mulattoes enjoyed more
privileges than unmixed blacks, but fewer than whites. Whites looked to their mulatto kin for help
in controlling the large numbers of black slaves. The mulattoes formed a buffer between white and black interactions. [8]These
ties began to erode from forces leading up to the Civil War.
Southern white hostility
increased toward free mulattoes after 1850 because of growing fear of slave
insurrection and the abolition of slavery.
After the war, during reconstruction, job competition with mulattoes was
especially feared because of their experience in the skilled crafts. These postwar developments hastened the
alliance between mulattoes and unmixed blacks that began in the 1850s. Mulatto elite leaders began to speak for
blacks as a whole.[9]
The
experience for mixed race women was unique during slavery. Keeping mulatto concubines became a luxury
of many white men in Southern cities.
Prospective concubines as well as prostitutes were sold as “fancy girls”
in the internal slave markets.
Elaborate balls were set up for meeting and courting free mulatto
mistresses. These light skinned mulatto
women endured the brunt of white male dominance.[10]
Personal History
In The Middle is closely related to my experiences growing up as a
person from a bi-racial background. My
biological father, Michael, is a person of color and my biological mother,
Peggy, is Caucasian. I didn’t know my
father. My mother and my maternal
grandmother raised me. Peggy married
Joe Dixon when I was approximately two years old. Joe, who I consider my father, is Caucasian. Peggy and Joe divorced when I was six years
old. I found out about Michael when I
was seven. My sister Becky and I were
eating popsicles with my two older cousins Debbie and David. Debbie and David both had purple popsicles
and Becky and I had red popsicles. I
taunted my cousins telling them they were “black” and we were “Indians” because
of the color of our popsicles. Debbie,
being the oldest of us all and privy to adult information, told me quite calmly
that I was “black.” I protested but she
continued on this path until I went crying to my mother. Peggy validated the story. After this happened, I was told about my
biological father Michael. I was never
the same little boy again. I felt
different from everyone in my family.
I participated in
standardized testing that was given every year while I was in elementary
school. On these tests, each student
was required to fill in their race:
“white,” “black,” “Asian,” or “Hispanic.” Every year, I would fill in the “white” bubble because I was
embarrassed by my black identity. There
was never a choice for “both,” “and,” or “none of the above.” I was stuck having to choose, and I chose
white. Along with being uncomfortable
with my black background, I hated my hair also. It was kinky afro hair.
Having a light complexion, and lacking black features, my hair was the
most ethnic part of my being. I kept my
hair short as soon as I had control of what I wanted to do with it. Eventually, I shaved my head bald. My issue with identity continued throughout
my adolescence and into my high school years.
Towards the end of high
school, I was able to acknowledge my black identity for the first time. This was due to the predominantly white high
school I attended. I associated with
the handful of black and minority students in the school. I was generally accepted as a person of
color. I say generally because not
everyone knew I was half black. Despite
associating myself with other black students, I felt like I had no
identity. I started experiencing
blatant racism, mostly for dating white girls.
These instances became glaring examples of why I was not white. And then, I didn’t feel like I was black
enough around my black peers. This was
mostly a result of cultural differences.
I grew up in an all white family structure, and I didn’t feel like I fit
in or related culturally.
When I went away to college,
I started to identify as black. I began
to learn about black history and culture, all the things I was denied in my
public and private education before college.
Black history gave me a way into black culture and politics that fueled
my black identity. Because I grew up in
a white family structure, I had experienced my white side. The black side was the element I was
missing. Identifying as black made me
feel complete. It was an element in my
life that I had been denied because of not knowing my black father or
family. I grew my hair out, into an
afro and, eventually, dread locks to accentuate my ethnicity. My hair became a symbol of the conflict I
was having with my identity.
While still in college, the
struggles of my identity crisis became most apparent. I was self-conscious about my newly proclaimed self-awareness. I played the race card, became a victim, and
let race dominate my thoughts, patterns, and actions. The awkwardness I felt about my identity became more agitated
when people questioning my identity.
“Oh, you’re black!!?” “What are
you?” “Hola, Como esta ustedes?” “I would have never thought you were
black.” What the fuck am I then! These comments came mostly from white people. Sometimes I would get it from Mexicans
thinking I was Puerto Rican. I have
even had a guy from the Caribbean start talking to me in slang, thinking I was
an islander. I felt most accepted in
the black community, but I could never quite get over not feeling black
enough. My skin was too white, I didn’t
dress the right way, I didn’t dance the right way, and I didn’t walk or talk
the right way. I felt like a white boy,
an imposter. Physically, whites
challenged me, and psychologically, I was challenged by blacks. Whites tell me I don’t fit into their
community and I feel like I don’t fit into the black community. This is the space, and place, that the
exhibition In The Middle engages with visually.
Content
The content of this work is
concerned with perceptions of bi-racial identity as it relates to “whiteness”,
“blackness”, and “otherness”. These
identities are fluid and racialized.
They are all subject to, and defined by, a dominant “white”
culture. “Dominant groups, by
definition, set the parameters within which the subordinates operate.”[11] The symbols and methods that I use to
qualify my experiences are blackface, whiteface, stereotypes, bi-racial
subjects, and white subjects.
Blackface is the makeup used
by a performer in order to imitate a black person.[12] This derogatory imagery was used to perpetuate
racist views, stereotypes, and continues today. The times I have experienced racism were the times I have felt
the most black. I have been the victim
of, and terrorized by, prevailing attitudes about race and race mixing. I also use blackface to literally make
myself black. By becoming the
stereotype, I own the imagery. I use
the imagery as a vehicle for personal reflection and dialogue. This type of mask shows up in five of the
pieces: Transformation, Misinformation; Hunger Pains; White, Black and
Confused; Your Blackness is in Your Hair; and De-Blackification. These painting tells a loose linear
narrative, which shows me putting on the blackface to become “black;” eating
watermelon, which brings in stereotype; and then loosing my “blackness” through
the cutting of my hair.
In the self-portrait Transformation, Misinformation, I am
putting on the mask, or blackface. I am
externalizing how I feel, racialized, objectified, and “other.” Not only am I doing this to myself but there
is another figure in whiteface putting the makeup on me as well. “Systems of domination, imperialism,
colonialism, and racism actively coerce black folks to internalize negative
perceptions of blackness, to be self-hating.
Many of us succumb to this.”[13] The blackface makes outward an inner
feeling, hides or alters my identity, and reflects or confronts the viewer with
a popular stereotype.
In
Hunger
Pains,
another self-portrait, I am completely
in blackface and eating watermelon. I
am using the popular American stereotype that blacks love watermelon to
confront the audience. Is this
uncomfortable to look at? Is it
funny? How do you see yourself in this
imagery? This is how I feel as the
container of “otherness”… marginalized and racialized. Hunger pains happen when you have not eaten;
so, metaphorically the pain is an emotional one. I also want to create tension between the food I am eating, my
mask, and stereotype.
White, Black, and Confused has what I believe to be three states
that I have gone through as a bi-racial person. The figure in whiteface represents whiteness, status quo, the
majority, and fitting in. The figure in
blackface represents blackness, American racism, self-hate, and
marginalization. The last figure is
half and half which represents confusion, otherness, limbo, either/or, both,
and undecided. This is the space that I
have personally been in most of my life.
This is the space where I am “white” around my “black” friends, and I am
“black” around my “white” friends. I
encompass “both,” “and,” “either,” “or” racially.
In
the self-portrait, Your Blackness is in Your Hair, I tackle my own personal saga with hating my hair. I am cutting my hair, which I have made the
symbol of my “blackness.” Despite
cutting my hair, I am wearing blackface so I will still be perceived as
black. My hair is being cut by a figure
in whiteface. I am not doing this to
myself, but rather having this done to me.
I take on the role of victim.
The last piece, also a
self-portrait, is De-Blackification, which shows me in blackface with my
dreadlocks cut. It is the end of the
“blackness” narrative, and the figure gazes out at the audience. The outward becomes inward and self-contemplative…
vulnerable.
Blackface has a long
tradition in America, via minstrel shows, and these minstrel shows were a
popular comic variety show presenting jokes, songs, dances, and skits, usually
by white actors in blackface.[14] While minstrel shows helped perpetuate
stereotypes and racism within the American system from whites, minstrelsy
started as something positive and self-identifying for both freemen and
slaves. Blacks dancing in the streets
of New York in the early 1800’s were the starting foundations of minstrelsy. They would come from surrounding areas to a
place called Catherine’s Market and dance for eels. This street dancing became popular and allowed the people
involved to start forming identities for themselves and others building a
community through identity. “These
young black slaves and freemen came across the waters from Jersey and Long
Island, as well as down from the farms along the northern cliffs of Manhattan
itself, were dancing out their identity, and a lot more. Increasingly, they danced out the identities
of their publics, who paid them for their gestures.”[15]
This particular district of
New York was more accommodating and lenient to racial integration because of
the need to do business. And these
dancers had found acceptance across racial barriers. “In Catherine Market an attraction across difference was daily
played out. At least some of the whites
of Catherine Market watched those dancers as their champions, as people marking
out differences for all of them.”[16] As the dancing became a popular form of
street entertainment, there were soon white imitators who co-opted the moves
for themselves. “Fascinated whites and blacks congregated to pay for that style
and copy it. These marks of grace and
difference they appreciated and wanted to absorb.”[17] The dancing was culturally appropriated and
taken to the theatre were whites would make money off of imitating this
phenomenon.
The local elite’s racism and
need to control race mixing led to a crack down for portraying this popular
street dancing in a positive manner.
This forced the theatres to change their narrative dramas to more of a
variety show to keep the political pressure at bay. This style was more difficult to pin down and the work would go
from championing “blackness” to blazoning Confederate values.[18] “The depression of the late 1830’s crippled
the American stage, opening up possibilities – by the early 1840’s – for ever
more vulgar acts. These acts were
targeting precisely those people with the least capacity to pay for their
seats. The poor audience was spending
their money to discover their identity on the stage. Blackface was the first Atlantic mass culture.”[19] This was the start of minstrel shows
becoming a vehicle for stereotypes, racism, and ultimately oppression.
I use the whiteface makeup
as a way to homogenize the figures.
They literally become the color “white.” It is a mask. The mask of
the oppressor, yet, it is also familiar.
It connects me to my family household, where my mother is white, my
sister is white, my aunts and uncles are white, and my childhood experiences
are predominantly white. This type of
mask shows up in five painting: Passing;
Chicken Eaters; Whigga What?; White Girls; and White,
Black, and Confused. Each of these
paintings is a loose linear narrative, which shows Erin and Anthony, the
bi-racial subjects in the painting, putting on the whiteface to pass for
“white.” They are eating chicken, which
brings in another popular American stereotype that blacks love chicken. This contrasts with their white makeup. The narrative ends with Erin having her arms
around two “white” girls smiling.
In Passing, the
whiteface is the catalyst for the act of passing as a “white” person. “The concept of passing uses the imagery of
camouflage, of concealing the true identity or group membership and gaining
false access. Concealment of “true” is considered synonymous with
compromised integrity and impostership.”[20]
In Chicken Eaters,
the contrasts and delusions become greater because there are two mixed race
“blacks” passing for “white” and eating chicken. Now the viewer has to decide whether or not to participate in the
stereotype that all blacks love chicken.
Does the white face diffuse this stereotype to make it something else
entirely?
In Whigga What?, I
have taken a slang word for white nigger and applied it to the imagery of
Anthony painted in whiteface. "The
term wigger or whigger is used to describe a Caucasian who
emulates urban-African American culture. The word wigger is usually
offensive. It is a new word formed by
joining two others and combining their meanings."[21] I was drawn to this word because of its
duality. It is usually applied to a
white person, but I am applying it to a mixed race person posing as white. I want to complicate racial identity with
both language and imagery.
White Girls is the final painting in this
narrative of “whiteness” and has Erin embracing her passing. She has embodied the mask and assumed a new
identity, “white.” Erin is fitting in. I
think of the whiteface as the easy way out, the status quo, becoming invisible,
and becoming literally “white.” Then
the question comes, “Am I white enough for you?” And the answer is always “no,” still this fantasy pervades the
minds of many people of color:
The
desire for lighter skin is nearly universal.
Throughout Central and South America, Asia, and even Africa, society is
prejudiced against those with dark skin, especially young dark women. Countless Black girls in the United States
share the fantasy of being White. How
could it be otherwise in a society whose ideal beauty – blond, pale skinned,
with blue or green eyes – embodies everything the average Black female lacks?[22]
This example becomes more complicated when it comes
to a light skinned black or mixed race blacks.
If I use myself, because I identify as “black,” I would rather have
darker skin. It is this obsession with
color that manifests itself within an individual and impedes the development of
a positive self-image.
“The absence of recognition is a strategy that facilitates
making a group the Other.” - Bell Hooks
The importance of “otherness” in these pieces is that it is an
alternative to the white/black dichotomy.
“It is common to hear someone say, ‘One parent is black and one is white,
so the child is half and half.’ This
describes the child’s marginal social group status.”[23] This plays out with both the figures that
are not wearing masks, and the figure with his face half white and half
black. This half and half figure shows
up in That Nigga’s All Mixed Up; White, Black, and Confused; and Transformation, Misinformation. The paintings with figures wearing no makeup
are Erin is Not Black or White, She is
Just Erin; Is Your Hair Real?; The Color of My Skin; and Black, Mulatto, Quadroon, Octoroon, White. These narratives provide alternatives to a
racialized self. They are an
alternative to the black/white paradigm that is an integral part of In The Middle.
That Nigga’s All Mixed Up is creating a space of having a choice, “black,”
“white,” “other,” or “nothing.” This is
a space that is often transversed by mixed race people. In my case, I have taken on all four of
these identities or racial choices.
With Erin is Not Black or White, She is Just Erin, I am again using the
paradigm of no racial choice, or all choices, that many bi-racial people
subscribe to like Tiger Woods for example.
He identifies as mixed race and is comfortable with all his choices. Good for you Tiger! But in America, Tiger is black because of
the one-drop rule.
The Color of My Skin is another piece that is self-reflective and has the
figure looking at his hand.
Contemplating his color, choice, race, and himself.
Black, Mulatto, Quadroon, Octoroon, White is a black and white painting that plays with the
idea of race. There are five figures
that are all the same color (shades of gray); however, there are five different
racial categories. In this painting, I
want to acknowledge the fact that race is a construct and has no scientific
basis. The idea of race grew out of
European contact with other peoples that did not look like them. From this they began to devise systems of
classification based on skin color.
Europeans quickly decided that peoples of color were not as “civilized”
as they were and therefore inferior.[24] However, I also want to acknowledge that
despite this fact race plays a significant part in each of our daily
lives. It is an inherent part of the
systems we partake in throughout our lives, work, school, government, etc.
Subjects
I have used almost all bi-racial people as the
subjects of my paintings including myself.
I did this to connect with a larger mixed race experience and to find
the connections between my experiences and other’s experiences growing up bi-racial. The narrative as it transpires through
“blackness” ends with a lone figure, me.
This relates to my inner struggles with my own black identity being that
I feel like I don’t fit in because of internal insecurities. The narrative as it transpires through
“whiteness” ends with two white people and Erin. This relates to me not feeling like I fit in because of outward
physical denial from whites via racism.
The four bi-racial people I used as my subjects for In The Middle were Erin, Robert,
Anthony, and myself. Erin has a white
mother and black father. They are still
together which is an important factor in how she identifies. She doesn’t know how to identify. She does not consider herself black or
white. Many bi-racial people that I
have met with both parents tend to be comfortable with their mixed race
backgrounds.
Robert is the figure with both the white and
blackface on each half of his face. He
was raised in Kenya. His father is
black and his mother is white. In
Africa he was treated as a white person in the Kenya countryside because of his
light skin and in the cities he was identified as mixed race or other. When he came to America he was seen as a
black man. His identity shifted with
each environment whether it shifted for him or not. In the process of putting the images together for In The Middle, I had intended for Robert
to be in blackface. Upon explaining
what blackface was historically, he proceeded to put on both the white and
black face paint. He had his own
interpretation of what blackface meant to him.
Anthony is both black and Chinese. His parents are not together and he
identifies as black. He has issues with
his hair because it is straight Asian hair, and he keeps his head shaved and
bald. Despite our different
backgrounds, each of my participants were interested in volunteering their time
and energy to what I was doing. We
shared stories and had many shared feelings, emotions, and life experiences
that helped make this project possible.
Intent
The intent for In
The Middle starts with the notion that people of color from a mixed race
background have shared common experiences.
These similarities and shared experiences are my main interest. I wanted to start a visual vocabulary that speaks
about this very specific space. I do
not expect to speak for a whole group.
However, I do feel this is not a space that has not gotten much
attention in the visual arts. There are
many bi-racial artists who make art from a black point of view such as Robert
Colescott, Romeare Bearden, Brett Cook Dizney, and Damali Ayo. Artist like Adrian Piper, Lezley Saar, and
Gordon Bennett are a few bi-racial artists that are making art about this
space. However, Piper and Saar come
from a female perspective, and Bennett is Australian. I feel there are still many explorations to be taken in
understanding bi-racial content through the visual arts.
Another interest in making
this work is to create dialogue about race and issues pertaining to racism,
stereotypes, marginalization, oppression, and otherness.
Often
white people’s rage erupts because they believe that all ways of looking that
highlight difference subvert the liberal belief in a universal subjectivity (we
are all just people) that they think will make racism disappear. They have a deep emotional investment in the
myth of “sameness,” even as their actions reflect the primacy of whiteness as a
sign informing who they are and how they think.[25]
In making work around race
issues, I have come to believe that talking about race does not come easy for
many people. There are still barriers
to break down, and I believe genuine communication about difference is the
start to understanding and accepting others.
My intent is for these images to ask questions of the viewers and start
some kind of dialogue despite what they mean for me personally.
Visual Choices
There were some specific
visual choices I made while creating this exhibition, In The Middle. One of these
choices was to leave the backgrounds unpainted. The reason I decided to do this was to put more emphasis on the
subjects, which are the figures. The
narrative and “performance-like” engagement between the figures does not
require a specific location. The blank
background acts as a stage for these actions to occur. The space is ambiguous and has the ability
to extend or narrow the situation. The
context in which these performances are occurring is in relation to the
viewer. The viewer brings his or her
own personal narrative and experiences to the images. In this way, a dialogue of cultural information takes place. Expectations are either met or not met,
questions are answered or not answered, or information is exchanged via
conversation. It acts as a
psychological space, a conversation with the self, and a place to confront
thoughts, notions, attitudes, and stereotypes that the self contains and
engages with on a daily basis.
Another choice I have made
was to leave my underdrawing visible which reveals part of the process. These lines activate the surface of the
canvas. Conceptually this is
important. This is a reflection of the
dynamism of my identity. It is changing
and active. I am in the process of
finding, exploring, and defining my own identity. This openness with my artistic process leaves room for
change. It also leaves room for other
interpretations other than my own.
Through this honesty, there is a chance for resolution.
Conclusion
CROSS
My old man’s a white old man
And my mother’s black.
If ever I cursed my white old man,
I take my curses back.
If ever I cursed my old black mother
And wished she were in hell,
I’m sorry for that evil wish
And now I wish her well.
My old man died in a fine big house.
My ma died in a shack.
I wonder where I’m gonna die,
Being neither white nor black?
In The Middle is the beginning of figuring out who I am in relation to the place I am
from and where I am going. I have
struggled with my identity my whole life.
It is fluid, dynamic, and there are multiple choices. In America I am black, but I could pass for
white, Puerto Rican, Mexican, Caribbean, Creole, Middle Eastern, and most other
colonized peoples as long as I kept my mouth shut. In The Middle is the
beginning for making something new out of the old. There is a chance to create a new identity that is not tied to
American racism. Not tied to the
emotions of self-hate. It is a chance
for a new people. “In his novel The
House Behind the Cedars Chesnutt introduced a mulatto character, John
Warwick, who, along with his sister, had ‘passed’ for white and made his way
well up into the planter aristocracy of South Carolina. At one point in the story Warwick explained
to a white friend that ‘you must take us for ourselves alone – we are new
people.”[26] This is how I feel.
[1] Beverly Daniel Tatum, Ph.D., Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria? (New York: Basic Books, 1997), 22.
[2] James F. Davis, Who Is Black? One Nation’s Definition (Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991), 13.
[3] (Davis 1991, 138-139)
[4] (Davis 1991, 21)
[5] (Davis 1991, 8-9)
[6] (Davis 1991, 31)
[7] (Davis 1991, 33)
[8] (Davis 1991, 35)
[9] (Davis 1991, 43)
[10] (Davis 1991, 39)
[11] (Tatum 1997, 23-24)
[12] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Forth Edition [online]. Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000 [cited 24 October 2005]. http://dictionary.reference.com/search?q=blackface
[13] Bell Hooks, Black Looks: Race and Representation (Massachusetts: South End Press, 1992), 166.
[14] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Forth Edition [online]. Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000 [cited 24 October 2005]. http://dictionary.reference.com/search?r=2&q=minstrel%20show
[15] W.T. Lhamon Jr., Raising Cain (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1998), 15.
[16] (Lhamon 1998, 18)
[17] (Lhamon 1998, 3)
[18] (Lhamon 1998, 32)
[19] (Lhamon 1998, 58)
[20] Jill Olumide, Raiding the Gene Pool: The Social Construction of Mixed Race (London: Pluto Press, 2002), 10.
[21] On English [online]. [cited 24 October 2005]. http://anglais.blogspot.com/2004/04/whigger.html
[22] Kathy Russell, Midge Wilson, Ph.D., and Ronald Hall, Ph.D., The Color Complex (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992), 41.
[23] (Davis 1991, 165)
[24] Alain Corcos, The Myth of Human Races (Michigan: Michigan State University Press, 1997), 3.
[25] (Hooks 1992, 167)